Atiya Achakulwisut and Vasana Chinvarakorn
Two weeks ago, Sa-nguan Puebkhunthod was
hospitalised after a beating by riot police for trespassing on Government
House. She was part of a desperate attempt by the Assembly of the Poor to
air their grievances.
Last week, Sa-nguan joined other villagers in a hunger
strike, to both fast and develop feelings of goodwill for the
powers-that-be.
"They trampled us as if we were not humans,"
the frail villager from Chaiyaphum said. "I saw a 70-year-old
grandmother being hit until her head was bleeding."She pointed out
that these incidents took place during last month's Buddhist holidays.
Instead of religious ceremonies, July 16 and 17 witnessed a bloody
confrontation between Isan villagers and the establishment as the former
tried to break into Government House in a desperate bid to urge the Prime
Minister Chuan Leekpai to help them.
About two hundred men and women, including one child,
were rounded up and charged with trespassing in the incident. The case is
still pending, and villagers, if found guilty, could end up spending time
behind bars.
"We didn't want to harm anybody. We had only our
bare hands. The only thing we wanted to say was that our suffering is
real, and that we were not hirelings trying to pressure the
government," the mother of six said. To prove her sincerity, Sa-nguan
has recently resorted to a new "voice"-that of silence. Since
July 27, scores of Isan villagers, as members of the Assembly of the Poor,
have been staging a hunger strike, the first mass hunger strike ever
staged in Thailand. It began with 39 villagers and their number has
fluctuated ever since. There are currently 26, and the hunger strike is
now entering its second week.
Boonsong Ampadcha, 43, wanted to join, but a preliminary
medical check-up found that the mother of three was not healthy enough to
withstand the ordeal. Since she was informed a few years ago that her
house would be inundated because of a dam project, Boonsong's health has
been suffering. Doctors finally diagnosed her with low blood pressure, and
the symptoms, at times, are so severe she must receive injections on a
daily basis. But why a hunger strike? What good will starvation do when
more forceful methods, such as long marches under the scorching sun,
endless rounds of debates, and months of sit-ins at public places, have
not worked?
Is the hunger strike an act of violence?
The first question many people ask upon hearing
of the mass hunger strike is whether the strike, which puts the lives of
people at risk, is an unnecessary act of violence which could provoke more
violence in response. Dr Chaiwat Satha-anan, a peace theorist from
Thammasat University who has studied the politics of non-violence for more
than a decade, has a more positive view of the on-going hunger strike.
"We have to consider the purpose [of the action].
In this context, the villagers are trying to communicate their suffering.
They would like society to listen to their plight. And they hope that when
the public hears, they will help better the situation," Dr Chaiwat
explained. Asked if the hunger strike was a kind of ultimatum designed to
pressure the government and society, Dr Chaiwat said there was nothing
wrong with using non-violent means to exert pressure.
"Sometimes, protesters appeal directly to
opponents, asking for sympathy and help in changing whatever the grievance
might be. Another way is to make the public at large feel their pain. And
hopefully, the people will force the responsible agencies to help the
protesters."For Phra Paisarn Visalo, author of several titles on
strategies to achieve peace, the ammunition for this duel is strength of
heart and selflessness.
"Those who go on a hunger strike out of
self-interest will not last long," said the monk, "because they
will eventually succumb to doubt and temptation. But fasting for the
public good will, over time, unlock the key to other people's hearts. The
rich and the more powerful aren't necessarily stronger in this case.
"Such fasting in itself never breeds violence. In
the past, the escalation into the use of force was due to other factors,
such as bad timing and poor planning."
Does the hunger strike violate Buddhist
teachings?
To many Buddhists, fasting, which torments the
body, could be considered a form of violence that should perhaps not be
condoned.
However, Phra Paisarn argues there is a significant
exception to the rule. The venerable monk cited one well known Buddhist
aphorism urging one to give up wealth in order to save one's organs, to
sacrifice the organs if that rescues a life, and finally to abandon even
life itself in order to protect dhamma.
"Lord Buddha himself, in one of his previous
incarnations, allowed himself to be eaten by a pair of tigers and thus
prevented further killing," Phra Paisarn said during his visit to the
protest camp. "The crux of the matter is the act must be done, not
for one's own self-interest, but for the benefit of the
public."Buddhist scholar Santisuk Sophonsiri agrees, casting the
on-going strike as a battle against injustice, with the villagers seeking
to wake society up from the malaise of spiritual lethargy.
Santisuk views the poor as divine messengers who are
resorting to using their own bodies to remind the public of the coming
crisis-that disintegration of rural communities, and natural resources,
will sooner or later entail the downfall of all.
But isn't there a more effective, but less painful, way
to make this wake-up call? In some circumstances, that seems to be the
case, but desperate people must often resort to drastic measures.
Phra Paisarn referred to the Vietnam War, when talks
about peace abounded, and yet seemed to fall on deaf ears. Desperate to
end mass killings, a few Vietnamese monks and nuns were driven to
self-immolation. This severe act, noted Phra Paisarn, was a form of
"talk" to convey the gravity of the subject-for them, peace is
precious enough to give up one's life.
Was the villagers' trespassing on Government
House illegal? Can one break the law in the name of a non-violent protest?
A non-violent protest can be conducted through
both legal and illegal means, Dr Chaiwat said. Some types of non-violent
struggle are specifically designed to change unfair legislation, such as
the campaigns for the rights of blacks in the US during the 1960s led by
civil rights leaders like the Rev Martin Luther King Jr.
"The campaigners did many things that were against
the law, trespassing included, to bring to light the discrimination they
were suffering "Gandhi violated the law, too. When the English
forbade Indians from making salt, he led the people, including members of
Congress, on a march to the sea to make salt-an illegal act according to
the law at that time," Dr Chaiwat pointed out.
It must be noted, however, that if illegal means are
utilised, protesters must bear the consequences. If protesters are to stay
true to the practice of civil disobedience, they should not ask the
authorities to exempt them from prosecution. Phra Paisarn conceded that
trespassing was against the law; however, the monk questions the propriety
of resorting to force to handle the situation. Moreover, Santisuk
contended the villagers' descent on Government House stemmed from the fact
that key decisions that have long affected their lives had been made
there.
Elections at the local level are, sadly, only a
superficial form of the decentralisation of power. As long as the state
continues to impose projects that ignore the needs of the locals, Santisuk
predicted, Government House would remain the centre of popular protest,
and perhaps the scene of even more violence in the future.
Will the hunger strike soften city dwellers to
the plight of Isan people and the Assembly of the Poor?
Recent polls are not encouraging. Up to 80
percent of Bangkokians stated their disapproval in polls conducted by Abac
and Suan Dusit.
On the other hand, Dr Chaiwat said, a poll was not a
complete answer. "Many people may not agree with the hunger strike,
but they may sympathise with the poor."American Buddhist monk
Santikaro Bhikkhu made the wry observation that the sentiment of
patriotism-people feeling they belong to one another-seems to rise only
during international sports tournaments.
The ditch that divides the protesters' makeshift village
from the police station at Government House reflects the gap between city
people and rural people, and the rich and the poor.
Like Phra Paisarn, Santikaro advocates a long-term
assessment of the problems extending beyond the immediate confrontation.
He said the middle class in the city should ask the salient question: Why
are the protesters here?The deprivation of rural people has largely to do
with the ability of urban dwellers to bask in the "sinful culture of
excess", Santisuk said. Understandably, city dwellers may hesitate to
side with protesters. "Rural people who work in the city may share
the same logic. A taxi driver may come from the Northeast. But his biggest
problem now is not whether villagers at Pak Moon can make a living.
Rather, his concern is whether the petrol prices will rise or how many
passengers he can find that day," Dr Chaiwat added ruefully.
The gap between the haves and have-nots has
existed for a long time and so far we have lived with it. What will happen
if the divide grows?
Phra Paisarn is concerned about the future of
Thai society, as the agricultural sector, a cushion in times of crisis,
has been exploited to the point of depletion.
The Royal Plaza incident, when a poorly built hotel
suddenly collapsed, could be a metaphor of what's in store for the whole
country, the monk warned.
Dr Chaiwat shares this bleak outlook.
If people in anguish try to cry for help, he said, but
people in society cannot hear these cries for help, they will simply have
to use other means to make their voices heard.
"In seeking additional attention and solutions to
their problems, these people may resort to other, more dangerous
means," Dr Chaiwat noted. If that happens, their problems will no
longer be theirs alone, but those of society. We have two options, Dr
Chaiwat said. One is to train our ears so that we hear the early cries for
help. The second is to keep the gap and live with the insecurity,
investing in building more prisons, constructing more walls and hiring
more guards.
Will the hunger strike work if the government
does not care?
According to Dr Chaiwat, a hunger strike is not
aimed at creating a sense of caring. Whether it succeeds in achieving its
goals or not depends on how forces around the government work. "The
government may not respond to the hunger strike per se but it has to
respond to the power around it.
"The next question, then, is to which force the
government will be accountable?
If the hunger strike can move those forces, then
those forces can pressure the government to act in their favour," the
lecturer explained. At present, the hunger strike has not led to any
understanding, he said. The situation is also confusing, with various
special interest groups making moves and demands all at the same time.
"From what I know, there is a feeling among city people that these
villagers are insatiable. They never hesitate to demand more.
"However, I think the Assembly of the Poor has explained time and
again that they are not asking for compensation for land." Instead,
the villagers are seeking to reclaim lost livelihoods. The point, however,
seems lost in the midst of public apathy.
Will the hunger strike lead to liberation and
forgiveness?
Dr Chaiwat said the hunger strike was one
non-violent means for victims to fight back. Forgiveness, he said, was
impossible under several circumstances.
"If I were a mouse and you were a cat and I was
caught in your claws, how could you expect me to forgive you? It just
doesn't make sense."The hunger strike can stop the victims from being
victimised. The next step, however, is to establish justice and forgive
the injustices and liberate both sides from an endless cycle of revenge.
Regardless of the outcome, Santikaro foresees one immediate benefit on the
part of those joining the hunger strike and the on-going protest. Living
together in the makeshift tents and sharing the same bitter fate has
taught them an invaluable lesson on peaceful co-existence. Santisuk,
meanwhile, hopes all parties concerned will abandon self-interest and
search sincerely for solutions. Rural protesters have long made sacrifices
in the process of development. Depleted of both resources and opportunity,
life seems to have become the only stake they have left. As long as
society continues to ignore their plight, their last gamble may be too
expensive for all to bear.
Business people show compassion
Prida Tiasuwan, Executive Chairman of Pranda
Jewellery Plc
Apart from convincing fellow business people to
listen to the problems of the Assembly of the Poor, Prida Tiasuwan and his
business friends have also donated money to their cause. He has just
returned from a visit to Pak Moon Dam, collecting first-hand information
on the dam's effect on the villagers. "I became interested in the
issue when I saw the beating of villagers (after trespassing at Government
House) on television. Footage of the event was aired around the world and
it was really negative for the country. So I began to pay attention. I
wanted to know what was going on." Prida studied the report prepared
by the government-appointed committee to solve the villagers' problems. He
and 14 other business people invited representatives of the Assembly of
the Poor to brief them about the problems villagers were facing. Prida's
group then donated about 100,000 baht to the villagers. "At first, I
had the same thoughts as many members of the middle class have. I believed
the protesters were organised by ill-intentioned parties. "When I
talked to them, however, I realised these villagers were suffering
greatly. "I just went to the Pak Moon Dam. The villagers can no
longer make a living by fishing. They used to make 5,000 to 6,000 baht a
month from their catch, but now they are lucky if they can make 50 or 100
baht. What can they do?" Prida also said it was sad that most city
dwellers did not understand the protesters. He believes, however, that
this ignorance is not the result of apathy, but rather the lack of
adequate information about the protesters' problems.
While many in the business world view the current hunger
strike as having nothing to do with them, Prida said this was not true.
"I am in the export business. The country's image is all-important.
If my clients see how our government goes around beating protesters, they
may refuse our goods on grounds of the abuse of human rights." If the
government is not serious about resolving the conflict, the problem would
further damage the country's standing in the eyes of investors. "If
investors are scared away, it will further hurt our staggering
economy," Prida warned. He conceded that at first he was quite
apprehensive about supporting the poor openly. "When I received all
the necessary information and testimonials from the villagers, it dawned
on me that the suffering was all too real. I believe that deep inside, all
of us still care. We simply can't ignore those who are in pain. So I
stopped worrying. "I think that what I did is what other city
dwellers and members of the middle class would like to do and should
do," Prida said.
'Resolutions' only partial satisfaction
As Cabinet unveiled its plan on July 25 to deal
with the demands of the Assembly of the Poor, some Bangkokians quickly
jumped to the conclusion that everything is fine, and the Northeastern
villagers should go home.
But for those protesting in front of Government House,
the Cabinet's resolutions, made in response to recommendations by a
neutral committee appointed in early June, are merely half-baked answers.
Where, in fact, are the shortcomings, or are the Isan protesters being
greedy?The Chuan-led government agreed to certain key demands, such as
opening the sluice gates at the Pak Moon and Rasi Salai dams, as well as
an agreement to conduct a review of four projects, namely the Pong Khun
Phet Dam, the Hua Na Dyke, the Lam Dome Yai Dam, and the commercial
development programme at the Thai-Lao border point of Chong Mek.
The gates at both Pak Moon and Rasi Salai dams were in
fact already open; at Pak Moon because of flooding, and at Rasi Salai
because on July 6, Science and Technology Minister Arthit Ourairat ordered
them to be opened for two years in response to villagers' protests.
On the other hand, the Chuan government held steadfastly
to two controversial laws: the Cabinet resolutions issued on April 21 and
June 30 of 1998.
The first rules out any state responsibility in
providing retroactive compensation, even if people continue to suffer from
negative effects of state-initiated projects. Those affected by the
Sirindhorn Dam, for example, are left out in the cold.
The second bill states the government will acknowledge
villagers' right to continue living in areas designated national forest
reserves only with the presentation of physical evidence, like aerial or
satellite photos, that they live there.
In effect, the enactment cancels previous agreements
between the Assembly and the Chavalit Yongchaiyudh coalition said to
better recognise local people's right to manage natural resources as
stipulated in the Constitution. Moreover, a proposal to set up joint
committees to address land disputes comprising both state officials and
villagers has been scrapped, and the committees are to be replaced by
panels run solely by the government.
Historically, the land disputes stem from the fact that
the announcements of national forest boundaries were often made
arbitrarily, without regard for those already residing in the areas. In
many cases, official aerial mapping was undertaken well after the
designation was made.
The Cabinet's new resolution does not bode well for Isan
villagers currently charged with forest encroachment. The disputed areas
cited by the Assembly include the national forest reserves at Pha Taem,
Hin Kong and Kaeng Tana, Dong Phu Loan, Lang Phu, Kud Chomphoo, and Ban
Tunglung, all in Ubon Ratchathani province.
In addition, the Chuan-led government has kept quiet on
the neutral committee's long-term recommendations, the most salient aspect
of which is the need to improve the quality of social and environmental
impact assessment studies.
Neither has the Cabinet responded to the recommendation
that all future large-scale dam projects be shelved until the
decision-making process is of a better standard, or that the dams should
be decommissioned altogether if post-project evaluations find the returns
to be unsatisfactory. The Chuan Cabinet did not formally respond to the
neutral committee's recommendations for almost three weeks, a period that
could have been longer had Northeastern villagers not broken into
Government House on July 16, prompting violent crack-downs, mass arrests,
and waves of publicity.